Not possibly, but certainly the result of the presidential election is already apparent. The candidates, the campaign that had been carried out and the language that had been used were the announcement of where the center of Turkey was moving towards and how it will be designed from now on. The competition was only about who was going to conduct this new period –the answer of which is thoroughly obvious now.

While Turkey is choosing it’s President for the first time with public vote, it meant that conservatism would be taken to the center from the start, or the center had saturated the idea of considering the conservative’s choice. Even though this process was an operation of AKP rulership, at the same time, it was underlining the main lines of the relationship between the state and the religion, which had been established by the state in the new period. The state’s distance between the center and the public, to put it better, the contradiction, wasn’t even allowing the technical choice like referendum, when the doors were half opened to the presidential elections, where conservative segments are able to be directly effective, it points out that a new status-quo had been established. When you take into consideration that an important segment of the society in Turkey is prone to conservative- right values, and that these choices will become the indicator of the referendum, which will color the Presidency elections, it could be read as if the system is making peace with communal choices.

Acceptance of conservatives to the center is a new situation for Kemalist status-quo.

The communal reconciliation attempt of the state, without changing the essentials of the regime, could only happen with this. When regarded from this point, it’s not a coincidence that for the last one month, putting forward conservative names, symbols and ‘worths’. While Turkey is becoming conservative, or in other words, is being carried to the center of conservatism, it is trying to get used to the post-Kemalist period. Post-Kemalizm points at entering a new era rather than the ending of Kemalizm. In this sense, their conservative mass choices are forming the carrier dynamics of the post-Kemalist period. This election is related with who will be the main actor. The party, who is the founder father of Jacobean secularity of the Republic, in other words, the attempt of taking votes from the conservative garden by uniting the left Kemalizm with the red Kemalizm, are the signs and dominant political characters…

Even the polarization/clashing within the conservative structure being ‘security’ and ‘MIT’ based, is quite significant in the sense of showing the levels of relationships of masses, which it regards as opposition and excludes, with system. And through these two symbolical establishments, the mentality transformation should be read rather than real political struggle.

While on one hand the center is opening to right-side conservative masses and performing its ability to integrate many elements including Islamism, an average white Turk, is opening the distance with Western segment’s conservative values and segments. Since this segment doesn’t possess carrier heaviness in terms of aggregate, and doesn’t have the luxury to take the political power in our monopoly; for now it can be seen insignificant.

Although, because of the results of modernization, secularization and loss of value, the distance between the conservative masses and new generation is being opened. This situation, by being the essential dilemma of conservative modernization, might come in front of us as a sociocultural process that will open the way for secular transformation in long term.

Rendering Islamic values and sensibilities reconciled with the system in some sort, and it’s becoming right-winged and becoming integrated to the system under conservative appearance is a desirable development from the point of present world system.

On the contrary, to assumptions, what sits in the center of the system is Muslimism rather than Islamism. It could be said that he intellectual/political myopia, which read the conservative or even the right wing mass’ relocation to the system as Islamism, is providing an important contribution in the integration of an opposition statement.

It seems that after the system became unable to be controlled with a Jacobean, then an arrogant approach and the economical-political reasons of the global system had persuaded the state for a forceful transformation.

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